|
A MEMORANDUM PRESENTED TO THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON
INFORMATION AT THE PUBLIC HEARING ON THE FREEDOM OF INFORMATION BILL 2005
ON TUESDAY, APRIL 26 2005
BY CHIEF AJIBOLA OGUNSHOLA, CHAIRMAN, PUNCH NIGERIA
LIMITED
Protocols, ~
The political and economic problems of Nigeria have their
roots in official secrecy. This statement is so obvious and the evidence
so compelling that it does not require further elaboration at this forum.
The main tool is the Official Secrets Act of 1962, put in
place by the British colonial government and retained in the statute books
ever since by successive governments. This act denies access to official
information by providing for the classification of such information. The
law also prescribes prison terms and fines for any public official who
obtains, reproduces, retains or transmits any classified matter to a
person to whom he is not authorized on behalf of the government to
transmit.
However, it failed to define or clearly delineate the scope
and matters that could be classified, as against that which need not be.
There are more contemporary laws like the Criminal Code
(applicable in southern Nigeria) and the Penal Code (for the North), which
impede access by members of the public to official information. The
Criminal Code, for instance, imputes guilt to any public official who
"publishes or communicates any fact which comes to his knowledge by virtue
of his office and which it is his duty to keep secret, or any document
which comes to his possession by virtue of his office and which it is his
duty to keep secret."
Amidst these highly restrictive laws, the greatest
allowance made for information flow is encoded in section 39 of the 1999
Constitution (a replica of section 36 of the 1979 Constitution) which
provides in subsection (i) that, "Every person shall be entitled to
freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinion and to receive
and impart ideas and information without interference." But the provisions
of the entire section have not invalidated the restrictive laws.
Section 22, which is not justiciable, states that, "The
press, radio, television and other agencies of the mass media shall at all
times be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in this
chapter, and to uphold the responsibility and accountability of the
government to the people." But there is no corresponding obligation either
in the constitution on anywhere in our laws on the government itself to
make itself accountable to the people.
Much as the constitution appeared to have made formal
provision for free information flow, the culture of official secrecy that
had ossified over the years has subjected virtually every document or item
of information in government to being routinely branded as "confidential,"
"top secret," "restricted," "classified," etc. This posed enormous
obstacle to the watchdog role of the media, and its responsibility to
inform the public. The constitutional provision was particularly put to
the judicial test in the case of Tony Momoh VS. the Senate, in which a
Lagos High Court judgment, which upheld the journalist's right to
confidentiality of his source was later upturned by the Court of Appeal.
What this means is that the journalist has no legal protection to
guarantee the confidentiality of his sources. And this is the case when
such sources (public officials) are forbidden under existing laws to
disclose government information. In such a circumstance, the sources would
simply dry up.
It was against this backdrop that the 'House of
Representatives, on August 25, 2004, passed the Freedom of Information
Bill, which was a private bill sponsored and coordinated by the Freedom of
Information Coalition. This bill, which is yet to be passed by the Senate,
prescribes free and mandatory access to certain classes of official
information that hitherto are classified.
No fewer than 53 countries, including South Africa, now
have freedom of information law in one form or another. Although the
specifications of the law vary from one country to the other, the central
feature is the right it gives individuals to request information, records
or documents that are in the custody of public officials and government
agencies. However, the right of access to information is never absolute,
as nearly all the countries having this law stipulate exemptions for
certain types of information. The Nigerian bill in particular stipulates
exemptions in sections 14 to 21, as well as section 24, for information on
matters pertaining to international affairs and defence, law enforcement
and investigations, trade secrets or financial, commercial or technical
information that has economic value to Nigeria, personal information,
matters covered by the solicitor-client privilege, among others.
It seems that the Senate has shown a significant reluctance
to date in following after the lower chamber of the National Assembly to
pass this bill into law. In so doing, it is denying the benefits that
would accrue, not only to the media, but also to the entire Nigerian
society.
Experiences of many nations that have adopted the access to
information law showed that there is a direct link between the law and the
culture of transparency in governance. One of America's constitutional
fathers, James Madison, once said, "A popular government without popular
information or the means of acquiring it is but a prologue to a farce or a
tragedy, or perhaps both." According to Frank Vogt in a paper in 1999 on
the media, for the Transparency International, many of the countries rated
as largely corruption-free on the TI Index, for instance those in
Scandinavia, have the most far-reaching and effective freedom of
information laws.
The people's right to know is the heart of transparency,
which is essential in making those entrusted with power accountable to the
public.
The ways in which a freedom of information law reduces
corruption include the following:
-
By making
available information about procurement processes and successful bids,
it becomes more difficult for officials to engage in unfair contracting
practices.
-
It becomes
more difficult for senior government officials to make larger policy
decisions that are not supported by sound analysis.
The Freedom of Information Bill, if passed, will:
-
Foster
transparency in governance, since information about the conduct of
government could no longer be kept classified. This has the effect of
stripping away the cover of secrecy under which most (if indeed not all)
misdeeds in government had been perpetrated. A situation as this is
particularly relevant to the vigorous anti-corruption crusade by the
Olusegun Obasanjo administration, and it will help the administration to
enlist the support and partnership of the media in this noble cause.
From the foregoing, you will agree with me that a freedom
of information law will be useful in a country like ours, as a basic
pillar to ward off the plague of corruption.
Mr. Chairman Sir, I urge your Committee to approve the Bill
as presented; I also urge each of your members to use their individual
clout to ensure its passage at the plenary session of the Senate.
I thank you.
|